How the research of Kahneman, Tversky and Thaler explains the two deepest thinking errors that quietly cost investors return, and how you can recognise them.
Two thinking errors probably cost investors more return over the years than any fee: loss aversion and mental accounting. Both are well documented, both work quietly, and both can be defused the moment you name them. This piece places the research of Kahneman, Tversky and Thaler in context and shows how to recognise the errors in your own behaviour.
Loss aversion means this: a loss hurts more than an equal-sized gain pleases. Mental accounting means this: money is sorted into separate, mentally non-interchangeable “accounts,” even though a euro is the same euro everywhere. The first error distorts how we feel risk. The second distorts how we divide money up in the first place. When the two meet, they produce decisions that look reasonable one by one and, in sum, do harm to the return.
Kahneman and Tversky laid the groundwork for the first error, Thaler for the second. None of the three promises a better return by it. They describe how people actually decide, and it is precisely that description which is the starting point for calmer decisions of your own.
Kahneman and Tversky described the core of this error in 1979 in their Prospect Theory, published in the journal Econometrica. It is the most-cited paper ever published in that journal. The central observation: the so-called value function runs steeper in the loss domain than in the gain domain. Put differently, a loss of 1,000 euros does not feel like the mirror image of a 1,000-euro gain, but markedly weightier.
How large is this difference? In 1992, Tversky and Kahneman estimated a coefficient of loss aversion of around 2.25 at the median. Losses therefore weigh roughly 2 to 2.5 times as heavily as gains of equal size.
Loss aversion (lambda)
The lambda factor of around 2.25 is a median across a sample (Tversky and Kahneman, 1992), not a universal constant and not a promise about future returns. It describes the typical strength with which a loss weighs more heavily than an equal-sized gain.
Losses weigh, at the median, roughly 2.25 times as heavily as equal-sized gains. This imbalance shapes almost every difficult investment decision.
From this imbalance follows a well-documented pattern in the portfolio: the disposition effect. In 1998, in the Journal of Finance, Odean examined around 10,000 accounts over the period 1987 to 1993. The result: the proportion of realised gains stood at 0.148, the proportion of realised losses only at 0.098. A winner was therefore sold about 1.5 times as often as a loser.
The mechanics behind it are the same steepness. Because losses weigh so heavily, investors sit on their losing positions and hope for the entry price, while they sell winners too early in order to lock in the good impression. This suggests that it is not missing knowledge but felt pain that steers the decision. Under stress the same aversion can flip: the sitting-it-out then becomes the panic sale. That is a plausible consequence of the same distortion, not a figure Odean measured.
Thaler described the second error, first in 1985 in Marketing Science, later at length in “Mental Accounting Matters” (1999, Journal of Behavioral Decision Making). His observation: people sort money into mental accounts that they do not treat as interchangeable. From this arise contradictory decisions, even though every euro holds the same value. In 2017 Thaler received the Nobel Prize in Economics, in part for this work. Kahneman had already been honoured in 2002; Tversky had died in 1996 and was therefore no longer eligible.
A well-documented special case is the house-money effect, described by Thaler and Johnson in 1990 in Management Science. After a preceding gain, willingness to take risk rises, because the gain is booked as “the house's money.” After losses, conversely, bets become attractive that at least lead back to the entry point. For the portfolio this means: book gains are risked more freely than paid-in capital, even though a euro of book gain is the same euro as one that was paid in.
Two everyday images make the error tangible. First, the notion that dividends and interest are “income” one may spend, while the capital stays untouched. Economically a home-made distribution (the sale of a small share) is equivalent to it, yet by feel they are two different pots. Second, the “two-pocket” image: one pot for “safe” money, a second for “play money.” Both images are examples, not independently documented studies, but they show how naturally we think of money in drawers.
Thaler names two further established consequences. The sunk-cost error holds on to a losing position “because so much is already in it.” And narrow versus broad bracketing: whoever judges individual positions rather than the whole portfolio sharpens loss aversion, because each position on its own forms a possible point of pain.
Singly the errors are an annoyance. Together they reinforce one another. Mental accounting breaks the portfolio down into many small individual accounts, and loss aversion sees to it that each of these accounts is defended on its own. A losing position is not judged in the light of the whole portfolio, but as an isolated, painful item that one is reluctant to realise.
| Thinking error | What it does | Antidote |
|---|---|---|
| Loss aversion (lambda around 2.25) | Losses weigh more heavily, losers are sat out | Judge the whole portfolio, not the single position |
| Disposition effect | Winners sold too early, losers held too long | Rules defined in advance instead of gut feeling in the moment |
| Mental accounting | A euro is treated differently depending on the pot | View all means as one single wealth |
| House-money effect | Book gains are risked more carelessly | Treat a book gain like paid-in capital |
This is how the quiet loss of return arises: winners are cut before they carry, losers tie up capital in the waiting room, and book gains are gambled away in risky moments because they feel like gifted money. No single decision looks grossly wrong. The sum shifts the outcome measurably in the unfavourable direction all the same.
Two levers follow directly from the research. The first is broad bracketing: judge your entire wealth as one unit, not each position individually. That takes some of the sharpness from loss aversion, because a single red item, set in the context of a whole portfolio, less often looks like a defeat.
The second lever is deciding in advance. The distortions work most strongly in the moment of decision, that is, precisely when pain and hope are at their loudest. Whoever fixes rules in writing ahead of time (on allocation, say, on the handling of winners and losers, or on buying more) makes the delicate choice in a calm moment and not under pressure.
Kernaussagen
Rules that decide for you at the right moment
A written mandate, that is, rules set in advance, takes the decision out of these very thinking errors' hands in the moment. Investboard holds the mandate and shows daily how closely your approach tracks the plan.
Set my mandate →In their Prospect Theory (1979), Kahneman and Tversky showed that the value function runs steeper in the loss domain than in the gain domain. A loss hurts more than an equal-sized gain pleases. In 1992 Tversky and Kahneman estimated a coefficient of around 2.25 at the median, so losses weigh roughly 2 to 2.5 times as heavily.
Odean examined around 10,000 accounts in 1998 (1987 to 1993). The proportion of realised gains stood at 0.148, that of realised losses only at 0.098. A winner was therefore sold about 1.5 times as often as a loser. Investors sit on losses and sell winners too early.
Thaler described (1985, 1999) that people sort money into mentally separate, non-interchangeable accounts, even though every euro holds the same value. From this arise contradictory decisions, for instance when book gains are risked more easily as play money than paid-in capital.
| Sunk-cost error |
| Holding on because much was already invested |
| Only the future prospect counts, not the past |